COMMONWEALTH OF KENTUCKY.
{UNITED WE STAND DIVIDED WE FALL}
GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE.

ADJOURNED SESSION OF 1863.

MESSAGE OF GOVERNOR T. E. BRAMLETTE TO THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF KENTUCKY, AT THEIR ADJOURNED SESSION OF 1863-4.

FRANKFORT, KY.:
PRINTED AT THE STATE PRINTING OFFICE.
GEO. D. PRENTICE, STATE PRINTER.
1865.

GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE.

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives:

The Constitution requires of the "Chief Executive," that "he shall, from time to time, give to the General Assembly information of the state of the Commonwealth, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he may deem expedient."

The period since your adjournment has been crowded with so many important events, affecting materially our national interests, as well as those of the Commonwealth, that a communication touching some of those matters which have affected the state of the Commonwealth, is recognized as a requirement of the Constitution.

As a people, we have reason to be thankful to a just Providence for the series of almost unbroken successes which have crowned the arms of our Government in the struggle against rebellion.

Much as we may deplore the occasion of this rebellion, and the necessity which it imposes for the sacrifice of so much valuable life of our people, yet it is a source of gratulation to ourselves, and a cause of gratitude to HIM, that such uniform and great successes have been achieved by the armies of the Union. We, of Kentucky, have especial reason to rejoice at the results of Maj. Gen. Sherman's unparalleled successes — during the period of your recess — terminating in the capture of Savannah. History will give him rank with the first captains of any age. By his successes, up to the fall of Atlanta, the enemy, who so persistently threatened our security as a State, was driven far from us. And when he took his eagle flight across the State of Georgia, he left that grand old warrior, the invincible Maj. Gen. Geo. H. Thomas, to perfect the security which he had given. Most grandly has Maj. Gen. Thomas achieved our security by the destruction of the rebel army under Gen. Hood — a victory more complete and full of hopeful assurance than any which has crowned our arms during the war.

Words are inadequate to give expression to the flow of profound gratitude which the Kentucky heart yields to the invincible hero, Maj. Gen. Geo. H. Thomas, and his heroic command. By his glorious success, the red wave has been beaten back from our bosom, and the

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cause of the Union is high advanced. Our eastern border, we trust, has been secured by the successful and destructive raid of Maj. Gen. Stoneman, and his successes against the fores of Maj. Gen. Breckinridge, which constantly menaced us from that direction. We, therefore, so far as invading armies have threatened, are at this time hopefully relieved from their menaces.

The national aspect of these successes, great as they are, it is not my purpose to estimate in this communication, only to state their bearing upon "the state of the Commonwealth" is a purpose of notice in this special communication.

Soon after your adjournment, the public mind became much disturbed and disquieted by the enrollment of the negroes, prepatory for draft. Fearing some untimely outbreaks, or unlawful resistance to the execution of the law, I issued a proclamation on the 16th day of March, to allay undue excitment and prevent unlawful acts.

To still further secure the peace, order, and quiet of Kentucky, and to obtain for our citizens a fair and just administration of the law, and secure them against the unlawful and offensive courses pursued by persons professing to act by authority, who were forcibly taking slaves, and recruiting for camps in Tennessee, as well as in Kentucky, and to have a stop put to an extensive recruiting brokerage for other States, I went in person to Washington to confer with the President and Secretary of War upon some plan by which these objects could be effected.

The State of Kentucky, being the frontier of loyalty, had been swept over by rebel armies and by our own armies; had been subjected to formidable rebel raids, and continued depredations by guerrillas. Our fields had been devastated by the sweep of armies, and homes desolated by rebel raids and guerrilla depredations, to such an extent that a large portion of our productive labor had been driven from the State, and the arm of industry was greatly paralyzed by the destruction which menaced its labors, and the want of security in the enjoyment of its fruits.

The slave labor was therefore an important item to be secured against destruction, beyond what might be taken in a lawful way, and by proper means and agencies.

It was agreed that when any county filled its quota, in any way, no further recruiting of negroes should be permitted in such county — except in such cases as where the master and slave both concurred in the application for enlistment. When the draft was necessary to fill

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the quota, all, of course, subject to draft, had to take their chances of such involuntary service. It was agreed that all recruiting should be strictly limited to the regularly appointed officers for that service; and that those engaged without authority, or in the offensive and unlawful modes of sending out bodies of troops to gather up negroes by force and otherwise, and put them in camps, should be arrested and summarily punished. It was further agreed, that all negroes recurited by enlistment or draft should be removed to camps outside of the State, for organization and instruction. This was to prevent the entire demoralization and destruction of what should be left of that class of labor. These points being agreed, Brigadier General (since Brevet Major General) Burbridge, then in command of the Military District of Kentucky, was selected, and charged with carrying out these agreed points. I assured the President that the people of Kentucky were a law-abiding people, and, though opposed to the policy of placing the negro in the ranks of the soldier, yet, if the law were executed as agreed, I would pledge our people to a peaceful and loyal obedience to the law.

It was not contemplated by me that this was to save slavery in Kentucky, nor did any such idea occur to the President. It was not sought thereby either to perpetuate slavery, or to exterminate it; but solely with the view of protecting the interests of a loyal people, by securing them exemption from unlawful and offensive courses; from insults and unnecessary injuries; the State from the loss of its proper credits, and the country from the unnecessary destruction of a large amount of productive labor.

Having uniformly held and continuously announced the conviction, from the commencement of rebellion, that secession was the worst form of abolition; that it would abolish slavery in blood, it never entered my mind that anything I might do to relieve my people from suffering on account of it, could either prevent or stay the hand of rebellion from working its destruction. The object of this arrangement was to benefit and protect the loyal white man, and prevent him being subjected to wanton and uncalled-for injury and unprovoked insult and outrage, by lawless acts, on account of the negro.

Had these agreements been carrried out, a very different state of feeling would have existed in Kentucky. But, instead of carrying them out, the most offensive and injurious modes were adopted to violate them, by him who was selected and charged with their fulfillment.

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MILITARY AFFAIRS IN KENTUCKY.

In giving you information in relation to the manner in which the military affairs have been conducted in Kentucky, it is an unpleaseant duty to be constrained to say, that wanton oppression of citizens, fraud, corruption, and imbecility, have too frequently characterized the military career of some officers in Kentucky during the time since your adjournment.

In Western Kentucky, Brigadier General E. A. Paine, confederated with other officers and some citizens, ran a career of shameful criminality. Though brief, it was terrible. Hearing that wrongs were being perpetated in that section, but that the citizens were afraid to speak out and make them known, I sent Lieut. Col. J. J. Craddock, of the "Capital Guards," to Paducah, to inquire into and report to me the facts. Upon gettting his report, I preferred charges against General Paine and others to the President of the United States. By order of Lieu;. Gen. Grant, Gen. Paine was promptly relieved by Gen. Meredith, whose soldierly bearing and just administration have given peace and confidence in that section.

A commission, composed of Brigadier General S. S. Fry and Col. Jno. M. Brown, 45th Kentucky Mounted Infantry, was appointed to investigate the conduct of Gen. Paine, &c. I send with this communication a copy of their report, with my letter to the President, and also letter of the 3d of September, touching other subjects.

The Commandant of the District of Kentucky established a system of trade permits in violation of law and to the detriment of the public interests.

The Secretary of the Treasury, under the law, had fixed regulations; the military, without law, and in violation of law, assumed to organize Boards of Trade, who, for certain fees, were to pass upon and determine who should buy and sell, not only in the ordinary course of trade, but for family supplies. As administered in Kentucky, it was a most shameful and corrupt system of partisan political corruption and oppression. This machinery of fraud and corrupt oppression is still retained, and the facts, showing its corrupt use, should be collected and presented, by authority of the Legislature of Kentucky, to the national authorities, in such form as to secure the abolishment and future prohibition of all such interferences with the lawful and necessary trade of the country.

An attempt was also made, under cover of these military trade regulations, through the Commisssary Department, to perpetrate a

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most extensive swindle upon the farmers of Kentucky in the purchase of their hog crop. Under the trade orders none could ship or drive to market without a permit; and all were prohibited from shipping across the Ohio river, thus closing the Cincinnati and other markets to our farmers. The buyers and packers at Louisville and elsewhere were warned off under threats of arrest and confiscation, &c. Agents, who were assigned to this wholesale swindle, went actively to work, notifying the farmers that the Government had determined to take their hogs, and had fixed the price which they must take — a price greatly below the market value. To have a stop put to this swindle, which was being carried on through the Commissary Department, under the patronage of the Commandant of the District of Kentucky, I sent a communication to the President, borne by reliable messengers, to explain the details of the matters of my letter.

The hog swindle was promptly ended, but not until the farmers had sustained losses to at least $300,000; yet in time to save them the loss of over one million dollars. I suggest that it is due to the honest farmers of the State that you collate, or provide for so doing, the facts bearing upon this attempted and partially executed fraud, and present them also in connection with the "military trade regulations."

The gravest matter of military outrage has been, and yet is, the arrest, imprisonment, and banishment of loyal citizens without a hearing, and without even a knowledge of the charges against them. There have been a number of this class of arrests, merely for partisan political vengeance, and to force them to pay heavy sums to purchase their liberation. How the spoils, so infamously extorted, are divided, has not transpired to the public information. For partisan political ends Gen. John B. Huston was arrested at midnight, preceding the election, and hurried off under circumstances of shameful aggravation. He was, however, released in a few days; but that does not atone for the criminality of his malicious arrest and false imprisonment. The battle-scarred veteran, Col. Frank Wolford, whose name and loyal fame is part of his country's jeweled memories, and whose arrest, for political vengeance, should put a nation's cheek to the blush, is yet held in durance vile, without a hearing and without an accusation, so far as he or his friends can ascertain.

Lieutenant Governor Jacob, whose yet unclosed wounds, received in battle for his country, was victimized to partisan and personal vengeance, and hurried, without a hearing and without any known accusation, through the rebel lines into Virginia. The indecent and guilty

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haste with which he was hurried off and through the lines, stamps the personal malignity of the deed with the infamy of conscious criminality. Other cases might be mentioned, but these are selected, because they are known to the whole country; their acts are part of the glorious history of loyal heroism, and their accusers shrink from the light of investigation, but cannot escape the scourging judgment of an outraged people.

The military authorities are as much bound to observe the laws as the civil. Though the law governing the action of the military may, and does often and materially differ from that which controls the action of the civil, yet the law applicable to each is alike binding on each. Although the facts which constitute reasonable and probable cause for the arrest and imprisonment of a citizen by the military are different from and far more extensive than for civil arrests, yet the rules of law are the same in the application of the facts.

By the act of Congress, approved March 3d, 1863, entitled "An act relating to habeas corpus, and regulating judicial proceedings in certain cases," the mode of proceeding, when non-combatants and others have been arrested, is fixed. This law, which was intended to limit the action of military commandants in the various localities, and give some assurance of ultimate justice to the citizen, has been wholly and utterly set at defiance by Brevet Maj. Gen. S. G. Burbridge, in the instances of Col. Wolford and Lieut. Gov. Jacob and others. Nay, further: the action in the case of Lieut. Gov. Jacob is in defiance of Federal and State Constitutions and laws; in defiance of the laws of humanity and liberty; dishonors the cause of our country, and degrades the military rank to the infamous uses of partisan and personal vengeance.

While I would have the officers and soldiers, who battle for the Union, secured and protected in the full and complete exercise of every power and right which pertains to their position, and which, even remotely, may be required to aid in the great cause of our national defense; yet such iniquities as have been wantonly and repeatedly inflicted upon the loyal citizens of Kentucky should be met by such legislation as will insure the just punishment of the offender and the ultimate redress of the wrong to the injured parties.

I recommend that the limitation to actions for malicious arrest and false imprisonment, when made upon other than civil process, be repealed or so modified as not to begin to run until one year after the

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rebellion shall be suppressed and the civil authority of the National Government shall be restored over the revolted districts.

I would further suggest the amendment of our penal code, so as to punish as a felony or high misdemeanor the offense of causing or procuring the arrest and imprisonment of loyal citizens not on civil process, without any reasonable or probable cause. The wanton and malicious deprivation of the liberty of loyal citizens, without any reasonable or probable cause, is a crime of so grave a nature, that no penalty less than felony and confinement in the penitentiary can adequately express the just sense of horror and indignation which a free people must feel toward such criminality.

It cannot be said that such laws would interfere with putting down rebellion; unless it can be shown that the arrest and imprisonment of loyal citizens, without any reasonable and probable cause, will aid in putting down the rebellion.

The honest and faithful officer will be protected by the law; only the faithless and corrupt will be reached by it. Officers, either civil or military, who cannot discharge the duties of their office without perverting its powers to malicious and unreasonable abuses, are ever a dead weight upon any service; and the law which seizes upon and punishes such, subserves the interests of society and the cause of humanity.

Accompanying this communication will be found telegrams, letters, &c., growing out of the arrests of Huston, Jacob, Wolford, &c.

On the night of the 24th day of November, 1864, a fire destroyed the machine and work-shops in the penitentiary. The loss of property to the keeper was heavy as well as to the State. The prison inspectors examined into the evidence and made report, a copy of which will be laid before you, which exonerates the keeper and officers from all blame, and attaches the accident to the insufficiency and insecurity of the buildings. The Commissioners of the Sinking Fund directed the keeper to have an architect to prepare plans, drawings, and estimates for such buildings as are needed and required to give the necessary utility and security in future. The plans and estimates have been submitted to the Board, and have been approved by them, and are recommended to the General Assembly for adoption.

The losses sustained by the accidental burning of public buildiings, usually if not universally, has foundation in the false economy which withholds the means necessary to make permanent and secure buildings.

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The experience of another year has fully demonstrated the utter impracticability of our militia system. With the most untiring efforts to get up an organization under the law, we have been able to accomplish so little, that the whole system must be regarded as a failure. I recommend that you adopt such amendments as will make it practical, and enable your officers to put it in operation; or repeal the entire law, and not let the people be longer deceived with the false idea that they have a militia system. With an effective militia law, under which the militia could be organized throughout the State, and such portions of them armed and called into service as exigencies might require, the predatory warfare which has so harassed our people could have been effectually ended. The Inspector General will submit to you, through the proper committee, a plan which further experience and examination of the laws of other States suggests as the most effective and practical.

Until the raid of Morgan, in June last, demonstrated the insufficiency of troops then in Kentucky for protection, no effort to raise the forces authorized by act approved February 20th, 1864, was made. After that raid, with the approval of the Federal authorities, three battalions were ordered to be raised for six months' service: one for Eastern Kentucky, one for Western Kentucky, and one for Capital Guards; each battalion to consist of not less than six nor more than eight companies. A portion of each has been raised, and they have done most efficient service.

Since the return and muster out of a number of our veteran soldiers, quite a number of companies have been authorized to be formed of such for twelve months' service for self-protection, and for the better and [...]e effective defense against guerrillas. It is believed that a sufficient number of those veterans will form companies to make up the number authorized by the law, and that they will give ample and sure protection in the future. The raising of these forces was for a time suspended to avoid having a collision forced upon the State by the Commandant of the District of Kentucky. The orders and other documents relating to such interference will accompany this communication.

From the enrollment of the persons subject to military duty, under the acts of Congress, in Kentucky, a statement of which has been furnished to the Adjutant General by the A. A. P. M. General of Kentucky, I am enabled to present the following statistics:

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STATEMENT showing the enrollment of persons liable to military duty in the State of Kentucky, by Districts.

The two districts from which the enrollment of the negroes has not been returned will probably add 5,000 "colored" to the the enrollment. This will give an aggregate of white and "colored" of 138,493. From this number will have to be deducted those who are exempted from service, which will be quite a large percentage.

The muster rolls now on file in the Adjutant General's office show the following results:

STATEMENT of number of volunteers furnished to the United States Army from the beginning of the war to December 31st, 1864.

If the rule heretofore applied in equalizing the quotas of States be applied to the "colored" troops furnished by this State, we will largely exceed all calls, and be exempted from the next draft. The draft is

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for one year troops. The "colored" troops are in for three years. Whether reduced, therefore, to the three years' basis or to one, each "colored" soldier will entitle the State to a credit of three upon the draft.

Muster rolls have been returned to the office of the Adjutant General for 14,918 "colored" troops mustered in from Kentucky. These should, according to the rule heretofore adopted and regarded by all as just, give to the State a credit on the draft for one year men, for 44,754. That the State should have credit for the forces furnished in proportion to the term of service as well as the number, is enforced by additional considerations. Three fifths of the negroes are estimated in fixing our representation in Congress. All are estimated on the enrollment. The effect is to increase our military assessment above our representative voice, to extent of two fifths of negroes enrolled, and, at the same time, diminish the assessment of other States below their representative strength to the extent of two fifths of the negro enrollment added to us. We are not advised as to what rule will be applied, but shall insist upon that heretofore adopted and acted upon.

In addition to the 61,317 white soldiers, and 14,918 "colored" troops furnished by Kentucky, and for whom the muster rolls are on file, there are now raised (some having been mustered but no rolls yet returned) between one and two thousand recruits of white citizens, and at least five thousand negro or "colored" recruits. Moreover, thousands of our citizens have been, during the rebellion, in various parts of the State, actively employed as home guards, State guards, State forces, &c., in battling against a common foe, of whom no account is taken in estimating the effective force furnished by the State. These statistical facts sufficiently attest the active devotion of our people to the national cause.

I assumed the responsibility of appointing Mr. James P. Flint agent for the State, to visit the various camps in and out of the State, and procure a proper return of the "colored" troops enlisted from Kentucky. He has rendered very valuable service in getting up the proper returns so as to secure to the State the proper credits, and enable the citizen to prosecute his claim for the compensation secured by the act of Congress. Several thousands have been, through this agency, secured to the credit of the State that would otherwise have been lost. The agency was accepted upon the condition that he

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should look to the future action of the Legislature for compensation. I recommend suitable provision be made for his remuneration.

There being no law authorizing the appointment or employment of agents upon the part of the State to visit the field and the hospitals, and look into and provide for the wants and necessities of our sick and wounded soldiers, I have been compelled to draw upon the voluntary services of Doctor I. W. Scott, Surgeon General of the State, for such service; who, from time to time, with my authority, employed other surgeons to visit the field on occasions of battles being fought, and give attention to the wants of our wounded.

For the want of any appropriation to meet the expenses of agents, I have been compelled to draw upon the services of the Surgeon General to visit and look into the condition of our sick and wounded in the various hospitals in Tennessee, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa. A copy of his report will be laid before you. It is recommended that some provision be made by law for the employment of agents to attend to the wants of our sick and wounded. The small sums which I have had advanced from time to time, from a fund under my control, and expended for the benefit of our sick soldiers, through the Surgeon General, has done much good to cheer the hearts of those brave men.

Having in my message, at the commencement of your present session, urged provision being made for the families of our indigent soldiers, I would not again recur to it during your present session, but for the fact that the omission to make such provision has been the occasion of bringing up to the ear of the Executive the wail of many stricken hearts suffering from want. In the absence of any appropriation for the relief of such, and not having private fortune sufficient to supply the many calls, I have been pained with the forced necessity of leaving unanswered many appeals for help, coming up from those whose husbands and fathers are battling for our security, or filling a soldiers' grave. Those of us who are protected by the arm of the brave soldier should not be contented to see his wife and children perish for want of the necessaries of life. Where the strong arm of support is withdrawn from the family for our defense, surely we should shelter them.

You will perceive, from the annual report of the Treasurer, that there is a large decrease in the receipts of the fiscal year, closing October 10th, 1864, as compared with the preceding year.

The exposed condition of the country, the great destruction and

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waste of property, the diminished valuation in the exposed districts, have reduced and will continue to diminish the sources of revenue, and makes it necessary that provision should be timely made to meet our liabillities by increasing the rate of taxation. We are now paying less than one third of one per cent. on taxable property. Were it increased to two fifths or one half of one per cent. it would not be burdensome, and would enable you to make provision for necessary agents and for the families of indigent soldiers.

Applications have been repeatedly made for the purchase of land script which was donated by Congress to found an Agricultural and Mechanical College in Kentucky. There being no law authorizing the sale, nothing could be done towards effecting a sale.

Under the resolution approved February 15th, 1864, directing the appointment of a commissioner to inquire into and report upon the defalcation of Thos. S. Page, late Auditor of Public Accoonts, A. H. Buckner was appointed, has discharged the duties prescribed, and filed his report, which is transmitted herewith.

I would call your attention to the report of the "inspectors and weighers" of tobacco at Louisville, and the suggestions made by them as to the amendment of the existing law. The report, together with an amended act drafted by them, are herewith transmitted for your consideration.

Notwithstanding the grave apprehensions of many that there would be an unlawful attempt by the military authorities to control the election of electors to cast the vote of the State for President and Vice President of the United States, yet the election passed off with unusual quiet.

The present incumbent has been re-elected President by the legitimate voice of the people. He is as much the President of those who voted against him as those who voted for him; for he is the chosen President of the United States; and, as such, should receive the support of all in the discharge of his duties. Though a large majority of the people of Kentucky may differ with him as to some proposed measures of policy, and may use all lawful means to secure such measures as they approve, and prevent the adoption of such as they disapprove, yet, when the question shall pass from a proposition to an adopted measure, their line of duty will be changed. To oppose the adoption of a measure of policy and to seek a change or modification of any measure in the proper spirit and through the appointed modes, is not only lawful, but the inalienable right of free men. To resist or ob-

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struct the execution of an adopted measure, is factious and rebellious opposition to the Government. The good citizens will ever yield obedience to the adopted measures of government, however much he may have condemned their adoption. Opposition to a proposed measure and opposition to the execution of an adopted measure, are of widely different character. The one is the proper exercise of the legitimate right of the free American citizen; the other is the dangerous spirit of revolution. By yielding obedience and aiding to enforce the adopted measures of government, we neither abanden our private judgment and principles, nor surrender the right of seeking a change or modification of such measures in the mode and through the means appointed by law. Constitutional majorities must detrmine and fix policy, and loyal minorities must, as good citizens, support in good faith the adopted measures; but without forfeiting their right to correct or modify such measures in the forms secured by law. Decided as is the judgment of Kentucky against the policy of the National Government assuming to emancipate slaves within a loyal State and against transferring local and domestic questions to national action, and so nationalizing sectionalism by amendments to the Constitution, yet if it be done as prescribed by the Constitution, none will more readily obey the law when so changed than the loyal people of Kentucky. To obey the existing laws is the duty of all. Obedience to existing laws does not imply that we were in favor of their adoption, but declares that we, as a law-abiding people, obey and enforce the laws as they exist, because we desire the protection and security of law.

We have steadily and firmly opposed all efforts, from every source, to make the negro an issue in our struggle to maintain our national life. To preserve the life of our Government against rebellion and fix its perpetuity — not to determine the status of the negro — has been the unyielding spirit and purpose of Kentucky loyalty. We have rejected the appeals of sectionalism from all directions, and firmly adhered to nationalism. We have avoided sectional ideas, because they war upon nationality. Sectionalism, on the defensive, is ordinarily conservative; but when it assumes the offensive, it is ever radical and destructive. Therefore, we would preserve our Constitution, if possible, from sectional defacements. As easily may you constrain the motions of the globe, as contract the judgment of its inhabitants to move within a sectional cycle. Where sectionalism prevails, nationality necessarily perishes; where national ideas prevail, sectionalism is restrained within its own sphere — of home. With these sentiments,

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which underlie the action of Kentuckians in this great struggle, to make subserviency to partisan or sectional views a test of loyalty, is but the malice of little and narrow minds, incapable of taking a larger view of their country than that contained in a pocket-map.

The truly loyal men differ as patriots and statesmen, not as partisans. The good of country and the success of right principles of government is the controlling object of the truly loyal man. Self and party bounds the partisan's desires. With the patriot, devotion to country and support of its cause is the test of loyalty. With the partisan, subserviency to party is the test of loyalty. The love of country in the patriot rises like our own proud eagle above the clouds, and bathes in the sunlight of truth and liberty; but the affections of the partisan, like the "mousing owl," seek night and darkness to cover their grovelling flight. How any man voted at our recent elections did not determine his true character, nor signify the degree of his patriotism; it only determined the character of his judgment upon measures of policy and as to men. None but the partisan seeks to make it a test of loyalty. The patriotic spurn such test as an insult to loyalty, and an outrage upon free government. He is unworthy of trust in any capacity who urges such tests.

Although the people of Kentucky, in this great national struggle against rebellion, have ever opposed making the status of the negro an object of struggle in this trial to preserve our national life; yet they are not so blinded in perception as not to see, nor so irrational as not to accept the fact, as an existing fact, that rebellion has destroyed property in slaves. It exists in name to a limited extent, but not in interest. Under the stroke of rebellion, the roof-tree which sheltered it has been shivered to the roots. What remains of it to us, is, and must continue to be, not only effete, but burdensome. If left to our people to dispose of it, I have no doubt they will digest the wisest and best means of relieving themselves of it. Under our Constitution emancipation can only be voluntary, or with compensation, reserving the rights of creditors, and providing for the removal of the emancipated slaves. Emancipation, with compensation from the State, is impracticable. The destruction of the value of that property alone creates the present necessity for increased taxation on other property. An amendment to the Constitution cannot be effected before 1870.

In the meantime, if our laws were so amended as to give slave-owners the power to emancipate their slaves, and the right to retain them upon fair wages, say for ten years, securing the hire as a fund to

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colonize and settle the emancipated slaves, voluntary emancipation would become so general that, at the end of ten years, but little would be left of slavery to be adjusted by further action. This would avoid the injurious effects of a sudden breaking up and disruption of this entire labor system, and would give our people an opportunity to perfect, by constitutional amendment or otherwise, such plan of emancipation as would conserve the interests of the country and humanity.

As the time of removal is within the control of the Legislature, limited only by a reasonable regard to the constitutional purpose of removal within a reasonable time, there is every assurance that, with proper facilities, as suggested, in the present state of feeling amongst the slave-owners, voluntary emancipation would become general, and thus relieve the overtaxed mind and patience of our people fromt he outside pressure on account of the negro.

The negro never stood in the way of Kentucky loyalty; and it is unfortunate for us that the loyalty of others should stumble over the negro and fall upon us. The ranks of our armies are filled with a full proportion of Kentucky slave-owners, while be a small percentage of those who joined rebellion from Kentucky had any interest in slaves. The statistics of rebellion, when collated, will verify this fact. It was not on account of the negro that Kentuckians ran off into the rebel ranks, but from other promptings. The loyalty of Kentucky is based upon an immovable devotion to our free republican form of government and the paramount duty of preserving that government over an unbroken union.

With these suggestions for your patriotic consideration, and the assurance of my hearty co-operation in all measures you may adopt to conserve the interests and promote the welfare of our people, and to advance the cause of our country against rebellion, I close this communication: trusting that He who guided our fathers safely through our revolutionary struggle, and inspired them to shape for our inheritance the Government for which we are now battling, will guide you, and inspire your councils with like wisdom and patriotism.

THOS. E. BRAMLETTE,
Governor of Kentucky.

JANUARY 4th, 1865.
NOTE — Since this message went to press Col. Wolford has been released.
T. E. B

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DOCUMENTS ACCOMPANYING GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE.

Letters from Governor Bramlette to President Lincoln.
FRANKFORT, Sept. 2d, 1864.
His Excellency A. Lincoln, President U. S., Washington, D. C.:

SIR: Brigadier General Paine, by military order, has banished a number of the best citizens from Western Kentucky. I send you a copy of letter handed me by Colonel Taylor, which contains a fair statement of the cases of those embraced therein. I have taken pains to inquire into the facts in relation to those banished persons, and learn from good and reliable men that those persons mentioned in the letter of W. McKee Hubbard have ever been loyal to the Government. The order ought to be forthwith annulled, and those persons restored to their homes, and to the property which Gen. Paine and his confederates, Hon. Lucien Anderson and Bollinger, have iniquitously extorted from them.

Having instituted some inquiry into the conduct of General Paine, Lucien Anderson, and Bollinger, who, it appears, are confederates in the system of oppression and plundering instituted in that part of Kentucky — sharing the spoils iniquitously extorted from the citizens — I charge him and them, as the Chief Executive of Kentucky, with a corrupt and oppressive use of his office to oppress unjustly and extort corruptly money and property from the citizens for their own private gain, and to the disgrace of the service and injury of the public interests. The extent and character of the oppressions and plundering carried on by these men, as related to me by persons cognizant of the facts, is absolutely astounding. I ask, in behalf of that people, of justice, the honor of our country, that a military commission, composed of good, brave, just, and fearless men, be appointed, to inquire into the conduct of these men. I have forborne to complain until I could be assured of the verity of these charges.

Respectfully,
THOS. E. BRAMLETTE,
Governor of Kentucky.

Report of Committee sent to invesigate affairs in Western Kentucky.
LEXINGTON, KY., September, 1864.
Capt. J. Bates Dickson, Act. Adj. Gen. Military District of Kentucky:

CAPTAIN: The undersigned, a committee of investigation appointed by Brevet Maj. Gen. S. G. Burbridge, commanding Military District of

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Kentucky (Special Orders No. 2, par I, Headquarters Military District of Kentucky), have the honor to report, that, in obedience to instructions, they proceeded to Paducah, Kentucky, and investigated the conduct of affairs in the Western District of Kentucky, under command of Brigadier General E. A. Paine, U. S. V., late Military Commander of that District.

Your committee would report, that they had much difficulty in procuring information from official sources, as Brigadier General Paine and his Assistant Adjutant General left Paducah on the evening of our arrival, taking with them, or having sent away, every clerk who was familiar with the office business of Headquarters.

The records of the Assistant Adjutant General's office were submitted to our inspection by Brigadier General Meredith, the successor to General Paine, but were so incomplete and irregularly kept, that they proved of little service in the investigation. Many orders, proved to have been issued by Brigadier General Paine, have no entry on his books.

Your committee proceeded to examine numerous witnesses, both soldiers and civilians, and to reduce their testimony to the form of affidavits. The evidence so collected is herewith transmitted.

It was the constant aim of your committee to elicit, as nearly as practicable, the actual charges, and the palliating circumstances which might exist. With this view they publicly announced that their records were open to the reception of any matters of complaint or defense relevant to the subject-matter of investigation. It was announced, also, that any person complained of might, if he desired, read the affidavits against him, and file rebutting proof. This course, although irregular, was judged, under all circumstances, to be necessary and expedient. It enables us to make the following report of facts, about which, we think, there can be but little controversy.

Brigadier General E. A. Paine assumed command at Paducah, Kentucky, on or about the 19th of July, 1864. His violence of manner was of a character to very much alarm the community. Several of the citizens, whose uniform good conduct is a matter of public notoriety, and who had fought to defend the city against an attack by General Forrest, were terrified into leaving their homes.

The most sanguinary and brutal threats were continually uttered by General Paine, and the execution of some guerrillas (or persons charged with that crime) gave such color to his threats as to alarm the entire country.

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Such was the state of the public mind in the District of Western Kentucky (but more especially in Paducah), naturally consequent upon the public speeches and private conversations of Brigadier General Paine at the time of his arrival.

Your committee cannot pretend to arrange in systematic order the history of General Paine's career, as contained in the affidavits herewith filed, nor will they refer to them in their proper order of time.

From the sworn testimony they will endeavor to report briefly on the different topics of mal-administration which they have been called on to investigate, and beg leave, first, to advert to General Paine's

CONDUCT TOWARDS PRIVATE CITIZENS.

Your committee have found but one single citizen of the city of Paducah (Mr. R. Enders) who was ever accosted by Brigadier General Paine in terms of common civility. His usage of gentlemen, whose reputation for integrity and social worth is co-extensive with the district, was harsh and brutal in the extreme. Curses were heaped upon all who apporached him. A favorite expression, and frequently made use of, was, "You are a God damned scoundrel; God damn you, I'll dig a hole and shoot and put you in it." Language, of which the above is only a sample, was used constantly, and without provocation, towards not only gentlemen, but even ladies, for whose respectablity and lady-like manners the entire country could vouch. Under such a continued state of abuse the people were soon made to feel that appeals to General Paine from the outrages from his subordinates only aggravated the insult, without redressing their wrongs. Private citizens, against whom not an earthly charge could be made, were summarily arrested and thrust into the guard-house. One gentleman (Dr. Milan) was confined for fifty-one days, and finally thrust out as he was thrust in, without charges or explanation. During his imprisonment he suffered from a violent attack of erysipelas, but was refused medical aid. All this was by General Paine's individual order, as will appear from Dr. Milan's affidavit. A man named Dougherty was seized by General Paine and ordered to execution, although he had been tried and acquitted by a military court of the identical charge upon which his death-warrant was founded. Fortunately, your committee was informed of the facts, and Brigadier General Meredith was apprised of them, and countermanded the order.

Your committee could multiply instances, but respectfully refer to the accompanying affidavits for the accumlated proofs of a uniform system of violent, profane, and abusive tyranny, such as they freely

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confess they would not have believed possible, were it not for the respectable oaths which establish the fact.

Still further to terrify and alarm the citizens, an order was issued by General Paine confiscating the rents of all property belonging to persons who were not, and had not been, of unconditional loyalty. Mr. R. H. Hall, Provost Marshal First Congressional District of Kentucky, who was charged by General Paine with the supervision and collecting of the forfeited rents, testified that many loyal and Union men suffered heavily by this order; but that General Paine's order was express and peremptory How much money was collected under this programme, or whether Captain Hall's report of $2,700 is correct, your committee had no method of ascertaining, except from Captain Hall's affidavit, which is filed herewith. When the civil officers of the county remonstrated against General Paine's policy they were notified to resign, and in one instance did resign.

The jailer of the county was forced to discharge from his custody persons committed for felony, because their accusers in the civil courts were not proved to have been unconditional Union men. Money was extorted from private citizens by officers with the knowledge and consent of Brigadier General Paine, as will be particularly seen from the affidavits of W. S. Mayes and Thomas A. Duke.

The Colonel commanding post at Paducah (Col. H. W. Barry, 8th United States Colored Heavy Artillery) forced a banker of the city to pay $150 in gold to a prostitute whose society the Colonel enjoyed. Private houses were seized by General Paine's order, and the furniture and bedding confiscated.

Your committee inquired carefully and closely for the money resulting from the confiscation, but no trace of it could be discovered. It will be seen, from the affidavits of Major Bartling, Scott Ford, and Simpson Brownfield, that Captain Phelps Paine, son of General Paine, and his Assistant Adjutant General, actually appropriated bedding from a private house and carried it off when he left the station. It would be endless to enumerate the indignities, wrongs, and outrages that the citizens of Paducah, without distinction of political faith, have endured.

TRADE ORDERS.

General Paine announced his intention of excluding from trade privileges within the district all who were not of unconditional loyalty from the commencement of the rebellion. With this view, he levied a tax of $10 on each hogshead of tobacco and bale of cotton exported, and assessed an ad valorem tax of 25 per cent. on all cotton which had

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ever been the property, in whole or in part, of any person not an unconditional Union man.

The tax of $10 per hogshead and bale was to be paid as a fee to Mr. J. E. Woodward, whom Gen. Paine had appointed trade agent to grant permits. For the purpose of carrying out this order, the large tobacco warehouse of Thomas Hale was seized and put in the possession of Mr. Woodward. Towards the latter part of General Paine's administration the fees of Mr. Woodward were reduced to $2.

It is but justice to Mr. Woodward that we should state our belief that he acted honestly in taking the fees allowed him. It is proper here to state that Gen. Paine was chiefly advised by the following persons, to each of whom particular reference will be made hereafter: Hon. Lucien Anderson, member of Congress; John F. Bollinger, R. H. Hall, Provost Marshal First Congressional District Kentucky; Maj. Henry Bartling, 8th U. S. Colored Heavy Artillery, and Thos. Redd, Surveyor of the Port of Paducah.

Your committee distinctly and deliberately charge that these men, and each of them, except Redd, are guilty of corruption, bribery, and malfeasance in office.

The case of Bollinger will be first alluded to as belonging to the trade policy of Brig. Gen. Paine. During the time that Gen. Paine's tax on tobacco and cotton was in full force, Bollinger (J. F.) shipped, as his own affidavit shows, about 142 hogshead of tobacco and 84 bales of cotton. The total sum paid by him as fee and permits was $10, as will appear from his own affidavit and that of J. E. Woodward. But, in addition to this peculiar exemption, it will be seen, from the sworn statements of L. T. Bradley, master of the Government steamer "Convoy," that a Government steamboat was put at Bollinger's disposal, for the purpose of bringing his cotton and tobacco from a point where he had collected it, and that United States soldiers were detailed for the fatigue duty of loading it into the boats. So thoroughly was the community convinced of the all-powerful influence of Anderson, Bollinger, Hall, Redd, and Bartling with Brig. Gen. Paine, that a lucrative trade in vouchers of loyalty and intercession had already sprung up when your committee arrived, and, in some instances, heavy sums were paid for permits, which, if admissable, should have freely been granted, and, if improper, should have, of course, been refused.

One part of the trade regulations promulgated by General Paine, was an order requiring that all bank checks should be approved by

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him, or by an agent appointed by him, before payment could be obtained.

The paralyzing effect of such a measure must appear at first glance. Its effects are set forth in a communication addressed to your committee by the bank officers of Paducah, which is filed herewith.

For granting the approval thus required, Mr. Thomas Redd was empowered to charge (as his fees) and collected fifty cents on each check, which he did. A reference to the affidavit of W. A. Bell, E. D. Jones, A. B. Kincaid, S. P. Cope, and others, will explain the conduct of affairs. When merchants happened to incur the displeasure of General Paine or his advisers — in Dr. Bell's case — a stock of valulable dry goods was ordered to be immediately sold; and when the sale had been made, an assessment of $2,000 was at once levied on the proceeds. Instances might be multiplied; but your committee did not deem it necessary or expedient to encumber their records with cumulative testimony on any well-establlished points.

The seizure of storehouses and goods was generally preceded by the arrest of the owners or their clerks. In no case was a reason assigned for seizure which was not explained away as soon as a fee was paid to Mr. Anderson and Major Bartling. In the great majority of cases your committee could not, with the most diligent search, discover any charge alleged or proved against the sufferers. The conclusion was, to the mind of your committee irrestistible, that the seizure of such property was but one link in the series of oppression and extortion so systematically devised.

Your committee conferred freelly with Brigadier General S. Meredith on this point, and the complaints are being relieved as rapidly as possible. As a part of the "trade regulations" of the post of Paducah, we found a standing charge of ten cents for each letter, newspaper, or parcel allowed to leave the city of Paducah. In some instances fifty cents were paid to Major Bartling for permission to send letters from soldiers to their families. As a minor part of the financial management of the district, all the bar-rooms, theatres, and other licenses, were confiscated to the military.

Gen. Paine adjudicated, to some extent, on the collection of debts, as will appear from the affidavit of Mr. Robb. Mrs. Birmingham, widow, procured from Gen. Paine a peremptory order on Watts, Given & Co. for the payment of $980, the property of infant heirs to whom Watts, Given & Co. are still responsibile.

A claim of C. O. allowed for $8,000 was also paid by the same firm, under protest, by the express and threatening order of General Paine.

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"ASSESSMENTS."

Gen. Paine appointed one W. M. Starks to the duty of assessing the district for reimbursing the loyal men who had suffered from rebel and guerrilla depredations. The testimony of Starks is particularly worthy of attention in some respects. It shows that the men who were to pronounce on the validity of claims for reimbursements were themselves claimants and also assessors. To make this assessment, poll-books were seized, which Bollinger testifies are still in possession of Hon. Lucien Anderson.

Your committe ascertained the fact that many loyal men were assessed in large sums; that many of the largest losers by rebel depredations were among those most heavily taxed; and that an injustice of the most flagrant and oppressive nature was being perpetrated.

Your committee suspended all collections under the assessment until the pleasure of the proper authorities could be known. Your committee feel gratified that this culminating act of injustice was arrested at its inception. The enormous amounts levied must have bankrupted the community and desolated the district. Upon the county of McCracken alone $95,000 were assessed.

"BANISHMENT OF CITIZENS."

Your committee inquired carefully into the expatriation of citizens by Gen. Paine, and feel compelled to condemn his course. There may have been, and doubtless were, cases of merited punishment; but the great majority of those exiled were persons whose propriety and loyalty of conduct were proved to your committee.

Attention is particularly asked to the affidavit of Lieutenant Sinclair, post-office at Columbus, Ky., in connection with this point, which distinctly certifies the loyalty of every person, except one, banished byGeneral Paine from that vicinity. Your committee recommend that all General Paine's orders of exile be revoked, and the parties be permitted to return to their homes. General Meredith coincides with us in this view. It will be impossible to repair the injuries to the property of persons banished by Brigadier General Paine. Plunder and wanton destruction of the property followed close upon their removal.

Your committee found that storehouses of exiled parties were rented, ostensibly for the benefit of the Government, but could procure no account of the funds accruing therefrom. One storehouse was in the possession of Bollinger, and your committee ejected him.

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"EXECUTIONS."

It appears singular that no account of the number of persons executed by General Paine, their names, crimes, and sentences, can be obtained. Your committee inquired of every witness, and instituted extra official researches, but without satisfactory results.

Lieutenant J. Johnson, A. A. A. G. of General Paine's staff, Lieutenant Church, of General Paine's staff, and Major H. Bartling, Provost Marshal and (ex-officio) in charge of prisoners, swore that they knew nothing of the matter, except from hearsay. The information elicited by your committee was vague and uncertain, and fixed the number of persons who had suffered death at all numbers between five and forty-three.

The order books of General Paine gave no clue to the matter, nor did the records of the guard-house. At Mayfield seven men were shot by Colonel McChesney, 134th Illinois Volunteers, of whose guilt or innocence your committee have no means of judging. Upon this topic the most brutal and undignified jests and threats were repeatedly indulged. The current rumors are doubtless grossly exaggerated; but, in absence of any proof, your committee forbear commenting.

"IMPRESSMENT OF CITIZENS."

General Paine directed the construction of defensive works at Mayfield, Graves county, Ky. Of the unskillfulness exhibited in the selection of the site it is not our province to speak; but the wanton and cruel destruction of a beautiful and thriving village was calculataed to arouse our strongest feelings of indignation.

The entire works have been abandoned by Brigadier General Meredith as unfit for military use. In the construction of the works, resort was had to a levy of civilians. A mass of affidavits, receipts, and other proofs, are herewith transmitted, establishing the disgraceful fact that cripples, sick and infirm old men, were forced to do hard manual labor, unless they purchased immunity by paying money to the Post Commandant. The price from release varied from $5 to $400, with the wealth of the parties; nor was exemption (upon payment) confined to those physically disabled. The fact was unblushingly made public that any one, by bribery, could obtain release. This was a time when the farmers, to save their tobacco crop, were glad at any price to procure their exemption. It is true that the active and immediate agent in this oppression and extortion was Colonel McChesney, 134th Illinois Volunteers; but your committee call atten-

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tion to the fact that Mayfield was but twenty-five miles from General Paine's Headquarters, was his nearest military post, and was connected by railway with Paducah. That a matter of such public notoriety should have been unknown to General Paine is possible, but, your committee think, hardly probable.

Your committee have but briefly alluded to facts that will apppear more fully in the papers which accompany this report. They beg leave to particularize the parties who, in their judgment, are most culpable, and name —

1st. Hon. Lucien Anderson, member of Congress. A reference to the statment of this person, made before your committee, under oath, and numbered 120, will clearly show his complicity with Major Bartling, Provost Marshal.

2d. John T. Bollinger. The nature of this man's connection with Brigadier General Paine is clearly exhibited in the affidavit of L. T. Bradly, master of Government steamer "Convoy," which sets forth the peculiar privileges granted by General Paine.

3d. R. H. Hall, Provost Marshal First Congressional District of Kentucky. This man not only accepted bribes, as will appear from the affidavit of Earnest Rekophf, but abused his official position to extort money from the citizens, as will be seen from the affidavits of W. L. Mayes and T. A. Duke.

4th. Thomas M. Redd, Surveyor of the Port of Paducah. Guilty of illegal fees, and one of the principal agents in the entire catalogue of assessments, extortions, and oppressions.

5th. Major Henry Bartling, 8th United States Colored Heavy Artillery and Provost Marshal of Paducah. For the conclusive proof of this man's guilt we refer you to the affidavits of Lucien Anderson, of J. T. Davis, of J. D. Moss, of Leslie Ware, and numerous others, which will be found herewith.

6th. Colonel H. W. Barry, 8th United States Colored Heavy Artillery. For circumstances of his extorting money from a bank to pay to a prostitute, we refer to the affidavits of John P. Steele and W. F. Norton.

7th. Captain Phelps Paine, Assistant Adjutant General. For the fact in regard to his impressment and retention of private furniture, we cite the affidavits of Simpson Brownfield, Scott Ford, and Major H. Bartling.

8th. Brigadier General Paine. The tenor of Brigadier General Paine's conduct has been briefly alluded to. The particulars are to be

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found in the numerous affidavits which we submit herewith. Your committee will not disguise the feelings of indignation and disgust which their investigation of the conduct of affairs in Western Kentucky has inspired within them. The administration of Verres and Warren Hastings may be safely challenged to show a parallel to the fifty-one days of terror and rapine that measured the duration of General Paine's authority.

Well may we blush for the tarnish attached to the national uniform when debased to such ignoble uses by an officer whose only glory seems to have been the oppression of non-combatants, and a loud-mouthed denunciation of his superior officers as "cowards and scoundrels." Such were the epithets repeatedly attached to Major General Halleck's name by General Paine. In healthy contast, your commiittee beg leave to allude to the firm, judicious, and effectual administration of Brigadier General S. Meredith. Your committee can testify to its justice, its energy, and its vivifying effect upon the drooping Union sentiment of the Western District of Kentucky. To Brigadier General Meredith and staff, and Captain H. B. Grant, Acting Inspector General Military District of Kentucky, your committee are much indebted for assistance.

To Lieutenant Cox, J. J. Craddock, 1st Kentucky State troops, our thanks are due for much information and aid of the most important nature.

In conclusion, your committee most respectfully recommend that Brigadier General Meredith be instructed to consider General Paine's administration as a nulllity, and that he be relieved from the accumulated enormities of the late rule in Western Kentucky.

All of which is respectfully submitted.
(Signed,) SPEED S. FRY, Brigadier General U. S. V.,
President of Committee.
(Signed,) JOHN MASON BROWN, Col. 45th Ky. V. Mtd. Inft'y,
Comd'g 2d Brig., 1st Div., Mil. Dist. of Ky.

FRANKFORT, Sept. 3d, 1864.
His Excellency A. Lincoln, President U. S., Washington, D. C.:

SIR: Kentucky is, and ever has been, loyal as a State and people. Her people have triumphantly passed through the severest ordeal, and borne without yielding the severest tests, ever applied to the loyalty of any people. Yet we are dealt with as though Kentucky was a rebellious and conquered province, instead of being, as they are, a brave and loyal people.

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Without any occasion for such measures, the State has, by special Executive edict, been declared under martial law; and this just preceding the elections. Without rebuke, the military commandant issued an order directly interfering with the most important election then pending, and in open conflict with the Constitution and laws of the State, and in dereliction of the most sacred rights of a free and loyal people.

The ordinary and necessary trade of the State is now, by military trade regulations, subjected to restrictions which harass the citizens without any compensating public good, and which wear more the phase of subjecting the citizens to odious political tests than looking to the public good. I send herewith a copy of a permit, with the test questions as appended. The original I retain as a specimen and memorial of the military follies and harassments to which Kentuckians are subjected.

The citizens of Western Kentucky have, for a long while, been the subjects of insult, oppression, and plunder by officers who have been placed to defend and protect them.

Having on yesterday stated the conduct of General Paine and his accomplices, and heretofore communicated in reference to Cunningham, whose conduct is now overshadowed by General Paine's, I will not again state it.

The military authorities throughout the State assume at pleasure to make assessments upon the citizens, and enforce the payment of heavy fines without a hearing. And yet the laws of Kentucky are ample, and the courts open for redress of every just grievance, without any such military judgments.

I send herewith a copy of one of those orders assessing a citizen, merely as a specimen of what is of daily occurrence. That these measures, with others of kindred nature, have been urged by the counsels of a class of men who represent the evilgenious of loyalty, I am well assured.

No one who has a love for our country, and a desire to preserve our Government, if possessed of ordinary intellect and a common intelligence, with a knowledge of our people, would advise such measures. My hope is that, in the multifarious affairs of State, your attention has not been caught to those matters, and that, by my drawing your attention to them, your sense of justice, and what is due to a loyal people, will prompt you to order a revocation of those orders and a correction of these evils.

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The course pursued by many of those intrusted with Federal authority in Kentucky, has made to your administration and re-election thousands of bitter and irreconcilable opponents, where a wise and just policy and action would more easily have made friends. Extreme measures, by which they sought to break the just pride and subdue the free spirit of the people, and which would only have fitted them for enslavement, have aroused the determined opposition to your re-election of at least three fourths of the people of Kentucky; where a different and just policy might have made them friends. You will pardon me for speaking thus plainly, for I assure you it is done in the kindest spirit, although I am opposed to your re-election, and regard a change of policy as essential to the salvation of our country.

In common with the loyal masses of Kentucky, my Unionism is unconditional. We are for preserving the rights and liberties of our own race, and upholding the character and dignity of our position.

We are not willing to sacrifice a single life, or imperil the smallest right of free white men, for the sake of the negro.

We repudiate the counsels of those who say the Government must be restored with slavery, or that it must be restored without slavery, as a condition of their Unionism. We are for the restoration of our Government throughout our entire limits, regardless of what may happen to the negro, We reject as spurious the Unionism of all who make the status of the negro a sine qua non to peace and unity. We are not willing to imperil the life, liberty, and happiness of our own race and people for the freedom or enslavement of the negro. To permit the question of the freedom or slavery of the negro to obstruct the restoration of national authority and unity, is a blood-stained sin.

Those whose sons are involved in this strife demand, as they have the right to do, that the negro be ignored in all questions of settlement, and not make his condition, whether it shall be free or slave, an obstacle to the restoration of national unity and peace. Such are the sentiments of the loyal masses of Kentucky. Why, therefore, are unequal burdens laid upon the people of Kentucky? Is it not unwise, not to say unjust, that this is done? Surely the appealing blood of her sons, which crimsons the battle-fields, sufficiently attests the loyalty of Kentucky and her people to entitle the State to be freed from those military manacles which fetter her noble limbs, and chafe the free spirits of her loyal people?

It cannot surely be the purpose of any to ascertain, by actual experiment, how much a brave and manly people will bear, rather than

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revolt against their Government. And yet some of the measures adopted wear much the aspect of such an experiment.

May the God of our fathers speedily give to us deliverance, by a restoration of our Government in unity and peace.

Respectfullly,
THOS. E. BRAMLETTE.

Letter to Governor Bramlette from the Hon. John B. Huston.
The folloiwng letter received at 4 o'clock P. M., November 9, 1864:
COVINGTON, November 8th, 1864.

DEAR GOVERNOR: I was arrested at my home in Lexington at one o'clock last night, and taken off from an unprotected wife and her daughter, by order of General Burbridge, and ordered under guard to be taken to Catlettsburg and sent thence by Point Pleasant into the rebel lines. I know not the cause, but suppose it is because I have made speeches as a free man for McClellan, and always for the Union without conditions.

I cannot by this exercise of power, or any other means, be made a rebel. My poor family will suffer terribly, and I doubt not my life is the forfeit if I go on to Dixie. I have friends who will try to have justice done me, and I appeal to you as a friend and as Governor to aid in that effort. At least, in the worst event, vindicate my memory as an oppressed Union man true to my country in thought, word, and deed.

Yours, &c.,
JOHN B. HUSTON.

Telegram.
FRANKFORT, November 9th, 1864.
His Excellency A. Lincoln, President U. S., Washington, D. C.:

General John B. Huston, a loyal man and prominent citizen, was arrested and yesterday started off by General Burbridge to be sent beyond our lines by way of Catlettsburg, for no other offense than opposition to your re-election. Stay the hand of this second Paine, and save your administration the odium and our country the shame of such iniquities.

You are doubtless re-elected, but surely cannot sanction this ostracism of loyal men who honestly oppose you.

THOS. E. BRAMLETTE.

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Telegram.
WASHINGTON, November 10th, 1864.
Thos. E Bramlette:

GOVERNOR: Yours of yesterday received. I can scarcely believe that General John B. Huston has been arrested for no other offense than opposition to my re-election, for if that had been deemed sufficient cause of arrest, should have heard of more than one arrest in Kentucky on election day. If, however, General Huston has been arrested for no other cause than opposition to my re-election, General Burbridge will release him at once, I sending him a copy of this as an order to that effect.

A. LINCOLN.

Copy Telegram.
FRANKFORT, November 9, 1864.
Brevet Major General Burbridge:

Is it true that John B. Huston has been arrested and sent South? What are the charges? Answer.

THOS. E. BRAMLETTE.

Copy Telegram.
LEXINGTON, November 10.
Governor Bramlette:

In the exercise of power delegated to me by the President of the United States, I have arrested John B. Huston, and am responsible for my action to my Government. When the civil authorities make no effort to suppress disloyalty the military must and will.

(Signed,) S. G. BURBRIDGE,
Brevet Major General Commanding.

Copy of Letter.
10 O'CLOCK P. M., FRANKFORT, Nov. 10, 1864.
Brevet Major General S. G. Burbridge, Lexington, Kentucky:

GENERAL: Your telegram of to-day, in reply to mine of yesterday morning, came to hand at 8:20 o'clock P. M. to-day. As mine was a simple inquiry, I do not understand your meaning in the concluding lines of your telegram, in which you say: "When the civil authorities make no effort to suppress disloyalty the military must and will." Do you mean to insinuate dereliction of duty upon the part of the civil

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authorities of the State by this expression? If so, specify, if you please, what civil authorities. Not being an adept in inuendoes, but a plain blunt-spoken man, I do not know that I gather the import of this expression used by you in reply to a simple inquiry; and, therefore, have the honor of requesting your own interpretation of your meaning.

Respectfullly,
THOS. E. BRAMLETTE.

Copy of Letter.
LEXINGTON, KY., November 12, 1864.
Thos. E. Bramlette, Governor of Kentucky, Frankfort, Ky.:

DEAR SIR: Your favor of 10th inst. was duly received. It was not my intention, in writing the dispatch therein referred to, to make any "insinuations" or "inuendoes." The reference in the words, "When the civil authorities make no effort to suppress disloyalty the military must and wlll," was simply this: For months past, Wolford, Jacob, Huston, and others, have been making speeches in different parts of the State, reviling the Administration, and not only that — which would be overlooked — but also endeavoring, by their remarks, to discourage enlistments, and thus to weaken the power of the Government in its efforts to suppress the rebellion. This has been done, not only without interference on the part of the State authorities, but, on the contrary, with their apparent sanction and approval.

I make no insinuations of dereliction of duty on the part of the civil authorities of the State, but say openly, that if the military authorities had received, during the past year, that hearty and cordial support in their efforts to maintain the Government, and preserve the peace in the State, which, when I assumed command, I was assured would be afforded by the civil authorities, Kentucky to-day would not be cursed with the presence of guerrilla bands, and her loyal people outraged by frequent robberies and murders.

Respectfully,
(Signed,) S. G. BURBRIDGE,
Brevet Major General Commanding.

Letter from Governor Bramlette to Brevet Major General Burbridge.
FRANKFORT, KY., Nov. 14, 1864.
Brevet Major S. G. Burbridge, Lexington, Ky.:

GENERAL: On the morning of the 9th inst., having heard that Gen. John B. Huston was under arrest and ordered beyond our lines, in

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order to ascertain the facts, I dispatched a telegram to you of inquiry as to the facts, to which I had a right to expect at least a courteous answer. Your reply did not come until 8 o'clock and 20 minutes, P.M., next day, and concluded with an ambiguous sentence, not in reply, but by inuendo and an apparent bullying tone, containing a charge of dereliction against the civil authorities. I referred the ambiguous passage back to you for explanation of its meaning, and upon reaching home on Saturday night your reply was handed to me. In expounding your meaning, you charge that "Wolford, Jacob, Huston, and others" have been for some time making speeches "reviling the Administration," and endeavoring to discourage enlistments, and that this course pursued by them was "not only without interference," but "with the apparent sanction and approval" of the State authorities.

Not having heard them speak (except one speech of Gen. Huston), I have no personal knowledge of what they said. But I know the men, and know them to be incapable of any disloyal speech or act. I suppose it will not be doing you injustice to assume that you have sufficient capacity and intelligence to understand that the civil authorities have no right — neither have the military — to interfere with the freedom of political discussions? Your own experience ought to instruct you of this fact. You, on Thursday preceding the election, without any one thinking of interfering, enunciated a more reviling charge against the Administration than any I have heard of coming from any other source, when you concluded your speech, as reported in the Commonwealth, with the following words, viz: "Now, gentlemen, you all want pay for your horses and niggers and corn, and your hogs. Be cautious what record you make."

This, to all who heard or read it, was regarded as avowing the purpose to take, without compensation, the property of those who voted against Mr. Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln, I hope and believe, would scorn the accusation of such an infamous purpose. And yet you, so "reviling the Administration" by charging it with such infamous purpose, have passed unquestioned. Your own experience should therefore be sufficient to instruct you upon this point.

The DUTY of the citizen to observe and obey the laws and administrative measures of the constituted authorities is but the corollary of his RIGHT to freely canvass and use all lawful and peaceful means to correct or reform such laws or measures as he may deem unwise, impolitic, or dangerous. The duty to obey while in force, and the right to correct or change in the modes secrured by law, are correlative.
3

34

Whether you comprehend these distinctions between RIGHT and DUTY, or not, they nevertheless exist, and are understood and observed by the civil authorities of the State and by the loyal citizens of Kentucky.

As to the charge that these men and "others," with "the apparent sanction and approval" of the "State authorities," have been "endeavoring, by their remarks, to discourage enlistments, and thus to weaken the power of the Government in its efforts to suppress the rebellion," I believe it to be as untrue in reference to them as I know it to be untrue and calumnious in reference to the State authorities. It is but a shallow pretense, gotten up upon false accusation, to afford a pretext for wreaking political vengeance upon them, and I suppose "others" is intended to embrace all who spoke or advocated the election of McClellan in Kentucky.

I know "Jacob, Wolford, Huston," and perhaps some of the "others," and although their pure and incorruptible patriotism may exceed the range of your comprehension, yet it is understood and appreciated by the true men of our country. You conclude your exposition of your meaning by charging the civil authorities with a failure to give a "hearty and cordial support" to the military in their "efforts to support the Government and preserve the peace in the State," and attribute the failure to suppress guerrilla bands to this dereliction of duty upon the part of the State authorities.

Now, sir, I pronounce this charge untrue in all its length and breadth, and calumnious — and you must know the accusation so to be.

You know that at all times the civil authorities have promptly and cordially responded to your calls, and earnestly aided you in all these objects. When you desired the militia called into service to aid you, it was promptly done whenever and wherever you desired it, and for such period as you requested. When you desired the State forces employed at any place, they were promptly sent as requested. And when you were preparing to go upon your Saltville expedition, which resulted so unfortunately to you and the country, the State forces were disposed of as you requested. And later, when you changed, without any known cause, your friendly to a hostile attitude, and assumed to ignore the civil authorities, and, in violation of courtesy, gave orders to subordinate State officers, and, by your whole course, indicated a desire to provoke some offensive action upon our part; so dear to us was the "peace and order of the State," that we waived the indignity of your unlawful assumptions, and sent the forces as directed by you. These

35
and other facts, all of the same tenor upon the part of the State authorities, are well known to you. Nay, further, a general order was long since issued requiring the militia officers of the several counties to call out their commands whenever either the civil authorities or the Provost Marshals requested, and assist them in enforcing their duties. In no single instance has the civil authorities failed to promptly and earnestly aid, not only to support the military in "maintaining the Government," but to aid, when necessary or called upon, in enforcing the measures of the Administration. And this was and ever will be done, regardless of our private judgment as to the policy or impolicy of the measures.

The principle which governs the action of the present Executive of the State underlies the foundation of all free government, and not only has been observed, but ever will be. That principle is, that it is the duty of all good citiziens to observe and obey the laws as they exist, and their right to alter or change them only in the peaceful modes secured by law.

If you cannot take these distinctions, the civil authorities of the State do, and are not responsible for your want of understanding a principle so obvious and vital.

The ample means placed at your disposal for suppression of guerrilla bands are too well and generally known to enable you to escape the responsiblity of your failure, by casting an untrue and calumnious accusation upon the State authorities. Whether your success would or not have been better, if you had given more attention to hunting down guerrillas, and less to hunting down unarmed citizens, is a question for public judgment to settle. Be it as it may, your failure to accomplish these important ends, and others which you undertook, with the ample means afforded you, will require some better excuse than railing accusations against the civil authorities of the State. Your most active malice is defied to point out a single instance of failure upon the part of the civil authorities in support of your calumnious charge; and, until this be done, it must remain transfixed as untrue in all its extent and minutest detail. Had your success been better and more approximate to your means, it would doubtless have saved you from attempting to cover up your failures under calumnioius charges against the State authorities, and would have enabled you to respond to a question put for information with at least a decent regard to gentlemanly courtesy.

I am, sir, yours, THOS. E. BRAMLETTE.

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Letter from General Burbridge to Governor Bramlette.
HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY,
LEXINGTON, KY., November 18, 1864.
To His Excellency Thomas E. Bramlette,
Governor of Kentucky, Frankfort, Ky.:

SIR: In answer to your letter of the 14th inst., I can only reassert the contents of my former letters and telegrams. I beg leave to decline any further controversy with you, as I do not believe that the good of the country or your interest or mine require that I should discuss the issues which you seek to make with me.

I am, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
S. G. BURBRIDGE,
Brevet Major General Commanding.

Letter from Governor Bramlette to President Lincoln.
FRANKFORT, NOV. 14th, 1864.
His Excellency A. Lincoln, President U. S., Washington, D. C.:

MR. PRESIDENT: The election is over, and you are re-elected by a decisive majority. I take it as granted that you desire to harmonize all the loyal element of our country into a cordial support of your Administration. It is my desire to have a union of all in Kentucky in support of the Government, and to aid in carrying out the administrative measures.

Holding, as I do, that the free and unrestricted right of the citizen to canvass the measures and merits of candidates pending an election, implies the duty of obeying the ascertained will, when declared, until it can be changed or modified in the mode secured by our forms of government, I do not admit the right of factious opposition or attempts to overcome, by resistance or revolt, the measures adopted by the constituted authorities. Obedience to the constituted authorities does not surrender the freedom of private judgment, but only submits to and obeys the public will, as ascertained in the appointed mode. With us in Kentucky, partisan asperity ceases with the election. This is necessary to the peace of society and to the preservation of public order.

I regret that General Burbridge is pursuing a course calculated to exasperate and infuriate, rather than pacify and conciliate. His whole course, for weeks past, has been such as was most calculated to inaugurate revolte and produce collisions. My utmost powers have been taxed to frustrate the evils of his course and preserve peace and order.

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I have thuse far succeeded, but shall need your co-operation to attain that unity and harmony which I desire, and which, I doubt not, you desire, but which he will try to prevent in the blunderings of a weak intellect and and an overweening vanity.

Any man in command in Kentucky can easily harmonize with the State authorities, if he wishes to do so; for it is my fixed rule of action, upon principle, to sustain, as a citizen and officer, the measures of the constituted authorities, regardless of my private judgment of their policy or impolicy. Any other course I regard as revolutionary.

If the Headquarters of the Commandant in Kentucky were at Frankfort, where a free interchange of views could be had, it would avoid the evils which have resulted from Burbridge's weakness. But he and I cannot hold personal converse after his bad conduct within the last few weeks. Our intercourse must be restricted to official correspondence in writing. It would therefore much facilitate matters to have some commandant with whom I could act on terms of social courtesy and equality.

The system of arrest inaugurated by Burbridge outrages public judgment and ought to be restricted. His entire want of truthfulness enables him unscrupulously to make false charges to sustain his outrages against public judgment.

The system inaugurated by him of trade permits, has been most shamefully carried out in some places. Although his published order seems fair enough, yet the manner of its execution revolts the public sense. The system will greatly depreciate the public revenues during the coming year. Many loyal men are driven out of business, after having paid the tax and obtained a license, and for no other reason than their political preferences.

They will not take out license again unless these restrictions are removed, and thus the Government revenues will be diminished without any return. It is certainly better to risk the chances of even a disloyal man trading, than cut off hundreds of loyal men by such regulations, and exasperate them and diminish the sources of revenue. A hearty support of the Government by loyal men, though differing in views of policy from you, is better than a hollow quasi loyalty purchased of a semi-rebel by a trade permit.

Considerable commotion has been produced amongst the farmers and pork-packers by some orders recently issued, and more especially by the manner of their carrying out in relation to the hog crop. The agents sent out have been attempting to force the farmers to let their

38
hogs go to them at greatly less than the market price, by falsely telling them that the Government had fixed the price, and unless they received it willinglly, their hogs would be taken at that price anyhow, and if they attempted to sell, or if packers attempted to purchase and pack, their hogs would be confiscated and they arrested and imprisoned. Some large houses in Louisville, that have paid their tax, are thus held in check and cut of from business, although they offer to sell to the Government their hog product at one dollar less per hundred than the Cincinnati market, if permitted to go on with their business. I beg of you, Mr. President, to assist and give me such aid as you have in your power in preserving peace, order, and unity in Kentucky. Our people are right and true, though they have been much bedeviled by the course of subordinate officers. Burbridge will not correct these evils, for he has favorites to reward and enemies to punish, and will use his official station to carry out his favoritism and personal vengeance.

Respectfully,
THOS. E. BRAMLETTE.

Telegram.
FRANKFORT, November 22, 1864.
His Excellency A. Lincoln, President U. S., Washington, D.C.:

Lieutenant Governor Jacob is at Catlettsburg, and Colonel Wolford at Covington, both under arrest, and, by order of the Secret Inquisition, ordered into the rebel lines. Will you either order their release at once, or a suspension of the order until you receive my communication of this date?

THOS. E. BRAMLETTE,
Governor of Kentucky.

Telegram.
WASHINGTON, November 22, 1864.
Governor Bramlette:

Yours of to-day is received. It seems that Lieutenant Governor Jacob and Colonel Wolford are stationary at present. General Suddarth and Mr. Hodges are here, and the Secretary of War and myself are trying to devise means of pacification and harmony for Kentucky, which we hope to effect soon, now that the passion induced by the exciting subject of the election is passing off.

A. LINCOLN.

39>

Letter from Governor Bramlette to President Lincoln.
FRANKFORT, November 22, 1864.
His Excellency A. Lincoln, President U. S., Washington, D. C.:

MR. PRESIDENT: I dispatched you by telegraph to-day in reference to the arrest of Lieutenant Governor R. T. Jacob and Col. Frank Wolford, and the order sending them into the Confederate lines. I speak what I do know, when I say that they are both incorruptible patriots, and invincibly devoted to the preservation of the Union and for the suppression of the rebellion. Their accusers dare not confront them face to face before a fair and honest tribunal with the accusation of disloyalty. They have both perhaps used intemperate forms of speech in political discussions pending the recent canvass, but thoughts of giving aid or encouragement to treason never had a moment's possession of their minds. They both hold, and so publicly declare, that if every act of your Administration were wrong, it would not justify revolt, and that it would still be the duty of the citizen to stand by the Government, and help with all his might to put down rebellion.

But I understand that affidavits made in some dark corner — extra judicial and ex parte — by men who are afraid to avow their infamy in the face of an open tribunal, face to face with the men they accuse, constitute the foundation of their arrest. I say to you, Mr. President, that it is their accusers that shrink from the investigation, and not Lieut. Gov. Jacob or Colonel Wolford. Those who falsely accuse dread the light of an open investigation; and, therefore, they seek to keep up a secret inquisition in which to condemn without a trial, and punish without a hearing. There can exist no just reason for the character of proceeding in Kentucky. An open investigation in the case of any man can be had in Kentucky, and if the testimony sustains a conviction, all will say, so mote it be. But this open, fair mode of proceeding, in conformity with the genius of our institutions and the forms of our Government, would drive cowardly malignants to conceal their venom in their own bosoms, and hide their perjury in their own hearts. Secret inquisiitorial dispatch and punishment is the field of their operations, and thus have they done much harm in Kentucky, not only to the interest of our country, but to the cause of humanity. Deeds of evil done in the name of Government, which revolt the public judgment, are hurtful to our case. And so revolting to public judgment was the arrest of those battle-scarred veterans, that to their prudent patriotism we are indebted for its not being resisted. Hundreds of good true loyal men felt so outraged at the proceeding, that,

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in the heat of their indignation and zeal for what they deemed to be defense of outraged patriotism, they would have rushed to the forcible rescue of those men. But they always rebuked such spirit, and taught their excited friends that they would rather submit to any amount of personal wrong than have wrong done their country by unlawful resistance to constituted authority. Mr. President, these terrible wrongs, these outrages upon the spirit of liberty, ought to be stopped. They make no friends to our cause, but endanger much. For if men of less prudence and patriotism were thus dealt with, having the power they possess, the consequence would be serious indeed. You and I and our country are indebted to those noble patriots for their patriotic forbearance, and their quiet submission to an unjust and oppressive proceeding. For, had they been otherwise, either of them could have raised a storm which would have wrecked many a hope before it would have passed over.

Think, Mr. President, of the effect of this proceeding upon the minds of others; how will it look in history? Two of the foremost men against the rebellion, first in the field, both bearing wounds received in battling for their country, are, after a three years' struggle, seized upon by secret inquisition and banished into the rebel lines. Are they rebels — these scarred veterans? Who made them so? The rebels did not do it. Who did? Will not history say, "Thou art the man?" No, Mr. President, they are not rebels; they are not rebel sympathizers; you did not make them rebels — you cannot. Do not, therefore, sanction, by your silence or non-action, this infamous lie against them, against yourself, against our country. Do not let it go down in that form to history. Put a veto upon this secret inquisition, this banishment of scarred veterans, of true men from their homes and their country. How encouraging it must be to the rebels to hear that such great changes are going on amongst loyal people; that the brave and gallant Jacob, the indomitable Wolford, the hero of more conflicts than any man who has battled against rebellion, have turned to the side of rebellion. How it must revive their hopes and cheer them on to keep up the struggle a little longer; for if Jacob and Wolford have turned rebels, surely all Kentucky will soon come shouting the rebel banner!!! Mr. President, do stop these miserable, cowardly, stay-at-home, abuse-every-body patriots from giving such aid and comfort to the rebellion, as does such acts as the banishment of Jacob and Wolford give. Better send their accusers off; for they will not help us in the day of battle, and Jacob and Wolford will.

Very respectfully,
THOS. E. BRAMLETTE, Gov. of Ky.

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Letter from Inspector General Lindsey to the Secretary of War.
WASHINGTON, D. C., July 11th, 1864.
Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War:

SIR: Owing to the unsettled state of affairs in Kentucky, His Excellency Governor Bramlette, proposes to organize a State force to consist of three battalions, one to be assigned to duty in East Kentucky, one in the vicinity of Paducah, and one at Frankfort. These forces are intended to aid and assist the Federal troops, and shall be held subject to the call of the District Commander, for any service in the State.

The Governor proposes to sustain this force at the expense of the State; but, to avoid competition with the General Government in the market for supplies, he requests me to ask that you will order the proper United States officer in Kentucky to issue both commissary and quarter-master supplies to this force, upon requisition, approved by him, to be paid for by the State in general settlement.

I would, most respectfully, ask your early action upon this matter, as I deem it important that I should return to Kentucky at once.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
D. W. LINDSEY, Inspector Gen. Ky.

[Official copy:]
J. BATES DICKSON, Capt. and Ass't Adj. Gen., District of Ky.

If the within arrangement is approved by Maj. Gen. Burbridge, it is sanctioned by the War Department, and Gen. Burbridge is authorized to issue orders to the proper officer for the supplies required.

EDWIN M. STANTON,
Secretary of War.

JULY 11th, 1864.
[The original has Maj. Gen. Burbridge's approval indorsed on it.]

Letter from Governor Bramlette to Brevet Major General Burbridge.
COMMONWEALTH OF KENTUCKY, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
FRANKFORT, KY., November 1st, 1864.
Brevet Maj. Genl. S. G. Burbridge, Com'g., &c., Lexington, Ky.:

GENERAL: Waiving the irregularity of your order issued to a subordinate officer of the State forces, and ignoring the authority, having the right to control them, I say to you, that if you want the assistance of the State forces, here or elsewhere, or any part of the militia of the State, at any time, to aid you in your movements against rebels or guerrillas, they will be promptly furnished, reserving only the small

42
force raised, and in part supported by this county, for defense against rebel and guerrilla raids, with which we are constantly menaced.

General Lindsey, however, informs me that you avowed to him that your object in ordering them to Lexington was to disband them. As you have no authority to pay them off and disband them, and I have, I propose to you, if you will state any good reason therefor, I will immediately take steps to pay them off and disband them.

The battalion at this place (a small one) was raised under the laws of the State for the protection of the Capital, constantly threatened. Before raising these forces, a proposition to raise three battalions, one for this place, one for Eastern Kentucky, and one for Western Kentucky — neither of which has been completed — was submitted to the President and Secretary of War, and had their approval, with the written order of the Secretary of War for quarter-master and commissary supplies to be furnished by the Federal officers.

So desirous are we to harmonize our action with that of the Federal authorities, if you will state any good reason for so doing, I will discontinue raising them, and have those raised paid off and disbanded. As I know of no good reason for disbanding them, I must have something upon which to base my action.

If you do not choose to state any reason, or if the reasons given be deemed insufficient, I propose to re-submit the whole subject to the President and Secretary of War, and will abide by, and conform to, their decision. This, I trust, will waive the necessity of any further action upon your part tending unnecessarily to excitement. There can be no real foundation for such action. An early reply is requested.

Respectfully,
THOS. E. BRAMLETTE,
Governor of Kentucky.

NOTE — The foregoing was the letter as first written; in copying it to send to Gen. Burbridge some immaterial changes were made in the structure of the sentences, but the letter was omitted to be taken off on the letter-book, and the above original draft is given as an exact copy of the substance and nearly of the form and language. No answer was ever returned, except such as is contained in the accompanying orders and telegrams.

T. E. B.

Letter from Governor Bramlette to Inspector General Lindsey.
EXECUTIVE OFFICE, FRANKFORT, Ky.,
November 5, 1864.
Major General D. W. Lindsey, Inspector General of Ky., Commanding:

GENERAL: It is of the utmost vital importance to the cause of our country that peace be preserved in Kentucky, and that there should

43
be no semblance of colllision between the civil and military authorities of the State and those of the Federal Government. The security of the gallant Major General Sherman and our brave men under his command, the highest interests of our country, demand the protection of his communications and the securement of his position.

Everything, therefore, which might tend to produce disquiet in Kentucky must be avoided; as it would necessarily tend to defeat the purpose of supporting our noble armies in the field, battling for our security. To give protection to the Capital and the public property, and to assist in the defense of Western and Eastern Kentucky, and thereby strengthen the support of Sherman, with the approval of the President and Secretary of War, I undertook to raise three battalions of State troops — one for defense of the Capital, one for Eastern, and one for Western Kentucky.

A part of each has been raised, but neither completed. Those raised have been actively employed, as you are aware, at such places as General Burbridge requested, and where he could not spare the forces for the time. They have captured quite a number of guerrillas, and the small force kept here has given security to the public property at this place constantly menaced. To my utter surprise, General Burbridge, without my being able to get a line from him in explanation or otherwise of his intentions, has assumed a hostile position, menacing toward the State authorities and forces, and with no shadow of authority or just pretense, has been threatening to disband them; and, in various ways, apparently sought to provoke collision. A collision with him would be a matter of small moment; but I cannot and will not have a collision with the Federal forces under his command for the reasons before stated, and for the additional reason that no folly of others shall make me collide with my Government. To remove all pretense for his course, as well as the subject through which he seeks collision, you will take steps immediately to have the muster-out rolls prepared to pay off the forces raised for said defense and disband them. Better take the chances of defending, as we have done, by the citizens than endanger our national cause by collision.

Respectfully,
(Signed,) THOS. E. BRAMLETTE,
Governor of Kentucky.

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FRANKFORT, November 6, 1864.
Major General D. W. Lindsey, Inspector General of Kentucky, Commanding, Frankfort, Ky.:

GENERAL: You will take no further action in relations to mustering out the State forces until further orders.

The reason for this order is, that General Suddarth, who visited General Burbridge to-day, at his request, informs me that it is the desire of General Burbridge that I should not disband them at present, but wait until I heard from him in reply to my letter of the 1st inst.

Hoping this communication may be satisfactory, and remove the causes which constrained me to order the disbanding of those forces, I shall await its reception before further action. I know there exists great necessity for not only preserving the organization, but for increasing it; but am not willing to do so to the endangerment of the peace of Kentucky and the security of our armies.

Respectfully,
THOS. E. BRAMLETTE,
Governor of Kentucky.

Order from General Burbridge to Colonel Hawkins.
HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY,
5TH DIVISION, 23D ARMY CORPS,
LEXINGTON, KY., Oct. 28, 1864.
Colonel P. B. Hawkins, Commanding State forces, Frankfort, Ky.:

You will move the portion of your command now at Frankfort at once to Lexington, with instructions to the commanding officer to report in person, upon his arrival here, to Brigadier General N. E. McLain, Commanding 1st Division.

Troops will be sent from here to take their place at Frankfort.

By command of Brevet Major General BURBRIDGE.
(Signed,) J. BATES DICKSON,
Captain and A. A. General.

[A true copy — Attest:)
(Signed,) FON. WOODS, Adj't Cap. Guards.

Copy Telegram.
HEADQUARTERS, LEXINGTON, October 31, 1864.
To F. Woods, Adjutant Capital Guards:

In Colonel Hawkins' absence let the ranking officer execute orders

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sent you on the twenty-ninth (29th), and move his command here immediately. Answer.

By order of Brevet Major General BURBRIDGE.
J. BATES DICKSON,
Capt. and A. A. Gen'l.

Letter from Assistant Adjutant General Dickson to Lieut. Col. Craddock.
HEADQUARTERS MILTARY DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY,
LEXINGTON, November 2, 1864.
Lieut. Col. Craddock, Comd'g Capital Guard, Frankfort, Ky.:

COLONEL: The General Commanding directs that you order the Sandy Valley battalion to proceed at once to Louisa, Kentucky, and the commanding officer to report, on his arrival, to Colonel Mims, commanding that post, who will order one company to Grayson. You will order Captain Musselman's company to proceed to Georgetown, Ky., and remain there until further orders. Also, Captain Bolton's company to Lawrenceburg to relieve Captain Hutchinson's company, and order Captain Goins' company to Versailles, Ky.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. BATES DICKSON,
Captain and Ass't Adj't Gen'l.

Telegram.
LEXINGTON, November 3d, 1864, 1:30 P. M.
[By telegraph from Washington, D. C.]
To Maj. Gen. Burbridge, Commanding:

As recommended in your telegram of October twenty-fifth (25th), the Secretary of War directs that the regiment raised by Governor for six months' service be immediately mustered out of service. The Governor has been notified that the authority to raise four infantry regiments has been revoked, and you will please adopt measures to transfer the men already enlisted for them to cavalry regiments.

Please acknowledge this.

(Signed,) THO. M. VINCENT, A. A. Gen.
[A true copy:]
(Signed,) J. BATES DICKSON, Capt. and A.A. Gen.

Letter from Capt. Dickson to Adjutant General Lindsey.
HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY,
LEXINGTON, KY., November 14th, 1864.
D. W. Lindsey, Adj. and Ins. Gen., Frankfort, Ky.:

GENERAL: The General Commanding directs me to inquire of you what steps, if any, have been taken towards mustering out of service

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the State troops, directed to be mustered out by order of the Secretary of War, a copy of whose dispatch on the subject was furnished you when here. It is desirable that they be mustered out as soon as practicable.

Very respectfully, your ob't serv't,
J. BATES DICKSON,
Capt. and A. A. Gen.
[A true copy:]
JNO B. TILFORD, JR.,
Assistant Adj. Gen. Ky.

Letter from Adjutant General Lindsey to Captain Dickson.
HEADQUARTERS KY. VOLS., ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE,
FRANKFORT, November 15, 1864.
Captain J. Bates Dickson, A. A. General, Lexington, Ky.:

CAPTAIN: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 14th inst., relative to the muster-out of the State forces. On the 5th inst. I received orders from His Excellency, Governor Bramlette, to muster out the State troops, and on the 6th inst. was orderd to defer any action, as General Suddarth informed the Governor that General Burbridge would reply to his letter of the 1st inst. on the subject. Copies of the above orders were left with you by me.

I have, for the above reasons, delayed the muster-out; but, in the meantime, have ordered the troops to concentrate at convenient points, and have clerks employed making out the rolls and settling their accounts, preparatory to carrying out any directions I might receive.

Very respectfully,
(Signed,) D. W. LINDSEY,
Inspector and Adjutant General of Kentucky.

Letter from Captain Dickson to Adjutant General Lindsey.
HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY,
LEXINGTON, KY., Nov. 17, 1864.
D. W. Lindsey, Adj't and Inspector Gen'l of Kentucky, Frankfort, Ky.:

GENERAL: The Brevet Major General commanding directs me to say, in reply to your favor of the 15th inst., that he desires the mustering out of the State forces be proceeded with at once, and completed as soon as practicable.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. BATES DICKSON,
Capt. and A. A. Gen.
[A true copy:]
JNO. B. TILFORD,
Assi' Adj't. Gen'l. Ky.

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Order from General Burbridge to Adjutant General Lindsey.
HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY
LEXINGTON, KY., December 5, 1864.
D. W. Lindsey, Adjutant and Inspector General of Kentucky:

GENERAL: Owing to the absence of the General Commanding with his available forces, and the small number of troops left at the posts of Louisville and Lexington, it is desirable that the train guard for the "Frankfort Accommodation" train on the Louisville and Lexington Railroad be furnished from the State forces at Frankfort. You will please detail a sufficient guard for that train until the forces now in the field return.

By command of Brevet Major General BURBRIDGE.
J. BATES DICKSON.
Capt. and Act'g Adj't Gen'l.

Letter from Inspector General Lindsey to Colonel Gallup.
HEADQUARTERS KENTUCKY STATE GUARD,
INSPECTOR GENERAL'S OFFICE,
FRANKFORT, KY., Feb. 8th, 1864.
Colonel G. W. Gallup:

COLONEL: Yours of the 1st inst. is at hand. I am glad that Colonel McKinster is getting along so well in organizing the militia. The Governor directs me to authorize you, whenever the necessity may require, to call any portion of the 68th Regiment Enrolled Militia into service. He requests me to say, that, having great confidence in your judgment and zeal, he leaves the matter in your sound discretion, believing that you will not run the State to unnecessary expense. It is with such great difficulty that arms, once scattered, can be collected again, that I think you had better retain the control of the arms and ammunition that you mention, and only place them in the hands of McKinster's men when they need them. The Legislature have not yet made arrangements to pay the five thousand, and no steps have been taken towards raising them.

Your friend,
D. W. LINDSEY,
Inspector General of Kentucky.

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General Orders.
HEADQUARTERS KENTUCKY STATE GUARD,
INSPECTOR GENERAL'S OFFICE,
FRANKFORT, KY., May 2, 1864.
[GENERAL ORDERS, NO. 5.]

It having become evident that no reasonable garrison of United States troops can protect the several counties of the State from the small bands of guerrillas, horse-thieves, and marauders, who, in small parties, manage to elude the regular forces, it is therefore, by the direction of his Excellency the Governor, ordered —

I. That the commanding officer of each regimental district of Enrolled Militia is charged with the defense and protection of his county from invasion or violence of any character whatever; and to this end he is hereby authorized and directed to call out, at any time, the whole or such portion of the militia, comprising his command, as may be necessary. He is further ordered, upon the application of any provost marshal, sheriff, or other civil officer, to order out so much of his command as may be necessary, and to aid and assist such officers in making any arrests, or in the execution of any other duty which may devolve upon them by law, requiring such assistance.

II. Any officer or member of the Enrolled Militia who shall fail or refuse to turn out for the purposes mentioned in this order, when ordered so to do by his proper officer, or having turned out, shall disobey any lawful order, or be guilty of any disorderly conduct, shall be punished as for a military offense. The law prescribes that, "when any portion of the militia shall be called out, either for service or for instruction and drill, they shall be subject to the same laws, rules, and regulations that govern the armies of the United States," and all officers are charged with seeing those laws, rules, and regulations strictly enforced.

D. W. LINDSEY,
Inspector General of Kentucky.

Telegrams.
MAY 19, 1864.
Governor Bramlette:

Will it be possible for you to let me have another regiment of militia in N. E. Kentucky, addition to those promised by General Lindsey? General Ewing needs more troops also in his district, and regiments of militia. Please answer his order at once — will be of great service. These regiments, if called out promptly, will give

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security to the State during the absence of a large part of my command on a proposed expedition. There are indications that the enemy purport a raid in this State from the neighborhood of Pound Gap. Answer.

(Signed,) S. G. BURBRIDGE,
Brigadier General.

FRANKFORT, May 19, 1864.
General S. G. Burbridge, Lexington, Kentucky:

I can order out the militia of Lewis county if that will suit. How many, and at what points, are militia regiments wanted in General Ewing's district? Arms will have to be furnished by you.

D. W. LINDSEY,
Inspector General Kentucky.

LEXINGTON, May 20th, 1864.
To D. W. Lindsey:

The troops you order for Eastern Kentucky are sufficient. The troops for General Ewing, two regiments, will be placed at Louisville, at Muldrough's Hill, Munfordsville, and such other points as he may deem expedient. Gen. Ewing will furnish them arms.

(Signed,) S. G. BURBRIDGE,
Brig. Gen. Com. District.

HEADQUARTERS, LOUISA, KY., May 28th, 1864.
To John Boyle, Adjutant General:

SIR: I have instructed Col. Bowling, Enrolled Militia, to detail one hundred (100) of his men to protect the town of Grayson. The few men now there have been skirmishing during the past three (3) days; thus far have managed to hold their own. I would respectfully ask for the approval of the order by His Excellency the Governor; also, that the thirty-first (31st) regiment militia be called out to protect the county from roving bands of guerrillas; there are now twenty-five (25) men and one officer of the 40th Kentucky at that place.

Please answer.

T. B. BROWN,
Col. 11th Mich. Cav., Comd'g Brig.

FRANKFORT, KY., May 29th, 1864.
To Col. T. B. Brown:

Your order to Col. Bowling for 100 men to protect Grayson is approved by His Excellency. We will write in full by first mail.

D. W. LINDSEY,
Inspector Gen. of Kentucky.
4

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LEXINGTON, June 27, 1864.
To General D. W. Lindsey:

The Secretary of War telegraphs for answer to following questions in regard to the militia whom you ask to have paid:

1st. Under what authority, and when were the troops called out?

2d. When did they enter upon duty?

3d. What is the strength of the force in question? Has it been mustered in U. S. service? If not, why?

4th. When the forces were called for, placed on duty, was the fact reported to the War Department? Please answer as soon as possible.

(Signed,) S. G. BURBRIDGE,
Brigadier General.

FRANKFORT, KY., June 27, 1864.
To Brig. Gen. S. G. Burbridge, Commanding District of Kentucky:

GENERAL: Order was issued by the Governor, at your request, on May 19th, to the 45th and 68th Regiments. They entered on duty about May 25th. Colonel Ewing reports that two companies of the 22d Regiment, Boyd county, were ordered out by yourself. One hundred men from 31st Regiment were ordered out by Colonel Brown, of the 11th Michigan Cavalry. The number of men is about 1200 or 1500. Muster rolls not yet received. They were not mustered into United States service. When forces were put on duty the fact was not reported by us. Supposed you had reported them.

Respectfullly,
D. W. LINDSEY,
Inspector General of Kentucky.

LEXINGTON, August 20, 1864.
To Governor T. E. Bramlette:

I am compelled to withdraw Colonel Brown's regiments from their present location. Please send from your troops at once one company; half to Big Eagle bridge and half to Williamstown; another half to Owenton and half to Carrollton, and a third to Lawrenceburg and half to Taylorsville. Answer.

S. G. BURBRIDGE,
B. M. G. C. D.

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FRANKFORT, August 20th, 1864.
To Major General S. G. Burbridge, Lexington, Ky.:

Have one company now at Lawrenceburg. Do you wish another to be divided between that point and Taylorsville?

D. W. LINDSEY,
Inspector and Adjutant General of Kentucky.

LEXINGTON, August 21st, 1864.
To General D. W. Lindsey:

Divide the company at Lawrenceburg between there and Taylorsville. Order all your outpost detachments to concentrate at Frankfort, in case of an invasion. How many troops can you spare me for the field?

S. G. BURBRIDGE,
B. M. G.C. D.

FRANKFORT, August 22, 1864.
To Major General Burbridge, Lexington:

After making the disposition of troops requested, I can spare about two hundred infantry.

D. W. LINDSEY.
Inspector and Adjutant General of Kentucky.

LEXINGTON, August 23, 1864.

To Governor T. E. Bramlette:

Please send the two hundred (200) men promised to report here to General McLain, as soon as possible. If you can spare them, send two hundred and fifty (250.)

S. G. BURBRIDGE,
B. M. G. C. D.

FRANKFORT, August 23, 1864.
To Brigadier General McLain, Lexington, Kentucky:

Have received telegram from General Burbridge in regard to sending troops to you. Please state the nature of the service they are intended for, as I desire to know the character of arms they will need.

D. W. LINDSEY,
Inspector and Adjutant General of Kentucky.

LEXINGTON, KY., August 24th, 1864.
To Adj. Gen. D. W. Lindsey:

I need three hundred (300) men, and want them to guard K. C. R. R. and L. & F. & L. & L. R. R.

They can be armed as well as you think proper.

(Signed,) N. C. McLAIN, Brig. Gen.

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FRANKFORT, August 24th, 1864.
To Brig. Gen. N. C. McLain, Lexington, Ky.:

Have sent you two hundred (200) men under Maj. Quiggins. They were sent by first train to be obtained after Gen. Burbridge's request.

(Signed,) D. W. LINDSEY,
Inspector and Adj. Gen. Ky.

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY,
5th DIVISION, 23D ARMY CORPS,
LEXINGTON, Ky., August 24th, 1864.
[By telegraph from Barboursville, 24th 1864.]
Brevet Maj. Gen. Burbridge, Comd'g District:

SIR: We can organize a good regiment of State militia in this county to protect us against the rebels. Can you prevail upon Gov. Bramlette to call them out?

Very respectfully, &c.,
J. W. RIDGELL,
Late Lt. Col. 7th Ky. V. I.
[A true copy,]
(Signed,) J. BATES DICKSON, Capt. and A. A. Gen.
[A true copy,]
JNO. B. TILFORD, JR.,
Assistant Adj. Gen. Ky.

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY,
LEXINGTON, KY., August 24th, 1864.

Respectfully referred to His Excellency Governor Tho. E. Bramlette, Frankfort, Ky.

(Signed,) S. G. BURBRIDGE,
Brevet Maj. Gen. Commanding.

Letter from Inspector General Lindsey to Brevet Major Gen'l Burbridge.
HEADQUARTERS KENTUCKY VOLUNTEERS,
ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE,
FRANKFORT, August 27, 1864.
Major General S. G. Burbridge, Com. Dist. Ky., Lexington, Ky.:

GENERAL: Your indorsement on letter of D. W. Ridgell, late Lieut. Col. 7th Kentucky Infantry, and forwarded to the Governor, has been referred to this office. We have numerous applications for the privilege of raising and organizing regiments of militia for active duty; but as our authority from the War Department only extends to three battalions for the Capital Guard, I am unable to grant the authority. If the War Department will assume the payment and subsistence of such troops, I would have no difficulty in making the militia of our

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State very efficient. If this meets with your approbation, I hope you will take such steps as will secure the permission of the War Department, and thus enable me to make our militia effective in case of raids, and in putting down guerrillas throughout the State.

Very respectfully,
(Signed,) D. W. LINDSEY,
Inspector and Adj't General of Kentucky.
[A true copy.]
JNO. B. TILFORD, JR., Ass't Adj't Gen. Ky.

Special Order.
HEADQUARTERS 1ST DIVISION MILITARY DISTRICT OF KY.,
LEXINGTON, October 4, 1864.
[SPECIAL ORDER No. 100.]

EXTRACT.
I. Major Quiggins, Commanding Capital Guards, on being relieved by the commanding officer ot the 53d Kentucky Infanty, will report with his command to the Adjutant General of the State of Kentucky for duty.

The Quartermaster's Department will furnish transportaton.

By command of Col JAMES KEIGWIN.

J. W. THOMPSON,
Captain and Assistant Adjutant General.

To Adjutant General State of Kentucky, Frankfort, Ky.
[A copy — Attest:]
D. W. LINDSEY,
Inspector and Adjutant General of Kentucky.

General Order.
HEADQUARTERS KENTUCKY VOLUNTEERS,
ADJUTANT GENERAL'S OFFICE,
FRANKFORT, KY., Oct. 28, 1864.
[GENERAL ORDER NO. 4.]
EXTRACT.

II. The commanding officer of each battalion of the Capital Guard is hereby ordered, on the day of the election, to make a small detail for each hour during the time that the polls are open, place the same under command of a commisssioned officer, with directions to march them unarmed to a point convenient to the place of voting, and then send them up, man by man, to vote, and also to see that no person interferes with the vote of any soldier for the candidate he may elect,

54
and, having so allowed his squad to vote, will return with them to camp. The details ordered will be so made as to allow each man in the entire command to vote, if he may so desire, and for whom he pleases.

By order of Major General D. W. LINDSEY, Commanding.
(Signed,) JNO. B. TILFORD, Jr.,
Assistant Adjutant General.

Governor's Message
Jany 4^th 1865